ggeezz wrote:The 14th amendment was never properly ratified. It would be interesting to see it challenged on those grounds. But I don't see why it's "deeply" uncharitable. We don't grant citizenship to children born in Mexico whose parents obey the law, even if they want it just as much as those who broke the law.
Does the fact that a child happened to be in a certain geographical location at a certain point in time mean we owe it more charity than all the other children in the world?
Perhaps I chose my words poorly--I don't consider my U.S. citizenship, in itself, to make me an object of charity. But I am troubled by the casual acceptance of the idea that some American children should have fewer rights than others, on the basis of their ancestry.
dwayner79 wrote:From a purely constitutional point of view, there were debates when the amendment was proposed, and it was clear, only citizens can make a citizen.
I looked into
one of those debates to see whether you were right. And first I should say that the congressional debate on this is fascinating, and worth reading in itself:
Senator Edward Cowan (R-PA) wrote:Why, sir, there are nations of people with whom theft is a virtue and falsehood a merit…. It is utterly and totally impossible to mingle all the various families of men, from the lowest form of the Hottentot up to the highest Caucasian, in the same society. …
[T]here is a race in contact with this country which, in all characteristics except that of simply making fierce war, is not only our equal, but perhaps our superior. I mean the yellow race; the Mongol race. They outnumber us largely. Of their industry, their skill, and their pertinacity in all worldly affairs, nobody can doubt. … They may pour in their millions upon our Pacific coast in a very short time.
(There is, indeed, no doubt about the pertinacity of the Mongol race. This, by the way, is what nativism sounds like in hindsight.)
Second, it turns out that you are not right:
Senator John Conness (D-CA) wrote:The proposition before us… relates simply in that respect to the children begotten of Chinese parents in California, and it is proposed to declare that they shall be citizens. We have declared that by law; now it is proposed to incorporate the same provision in the fundamental instrument of the nation. I am in favor of doing so. I voted for the proposition to declare that the children of all parentage whatever, born in California, should be regarded and treated as citizens of the United States, entitled to equal civil rights with other citizens of the United States.
(It is possibly worth noting that Conness was himself an Irish immigrant.)
Clearly at least some of the men involved in drafting and ratifying the 14th amendment understood it as, and intended it to be, a declaration of general birthright citizenship. Others intended and interpreted it in more restrictive ways.
But really, I could have guessed that (and had guessed that) from looking at the text itself:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
The men who wrote our laws were not stupid: they could easily have said "All persons born of U.S. citizens..." if they had wished to exclude the children of foreigners. Language specifically excluding Indians was proposed, but rejected. I can't resist quoting Sen. Cowan on that subject as well:
Senator Edward Cowan (R-PA) wrote:I think, before we assert broadly that everybody who shall be born in the United States shall be taken to be a citizen of the United States, we ought to exclude others besides Indians not taxed, because I look upon Indians not taxed as being much less dangerous and much less pestiferous to society than I look upon Gypsies.
There is, I think, a level of deliberate ambiguity in the amendment, reflecting the political compromises involved in passing it. This is the sort of mess that the courts are left to clean up.